Drawing by Megaera Lorenz
The second son of Amenhotep III
and Tiye, Amenhotep IV was not likely to have been the first choice of
the pharaoh and his wife to become the next pharaoh of Egypt. This responsibility
would no doubt have fallen to his older brother, Thutmose V, had the child
not died under unknown circumstances at an early age (Aldred, 1988).
Amenhotep IV's story begins at a time
when the brave new dynasty of warrior pharaohs which had reined in the
end of the second intermediate period (a period of foreign rule) was likely
beginning to become stagnant and troubled. The reconquering of Egypt and
the forging of a new empire, started off by the pharaoh Ahmose and the
beginning of the 18th dynasty, had raised the god Amun to a position of
unprecedented power. The pharaohs of the dynasty felt that it was to Amun
that they owed their big, flashy, and ultimately expensive and troublesome
new empire. According to Dr. Donald B. Redford,
The single most striking feature in Egyptian religion under the early 18th dynasty is the prominence of Amun. The kings of the period never tired of piling the booty from foreign campaigns at the feet of Amun, since they ascribed the success of their military ventures to him alone. The god's coffers bulged with wealth in quantities never experienced before in Egypt. In the leveling atmosphere bred by the war of liberation, the king could not safely lay claim to it, nor was it advisable to disperse it among members of one class of the population... (1984)
To further complicate things, with
the ascent of king Ahmose to the throne, a new tradition was established
-- that of always taking on the High Priestess of Amun (who bore the title
of "God's Wife") as the chief queen. Theoretically, every queen of the
18th dynasty was a descendant of the first queen of that dynasty, Ahmose-Nefertari,
and also inherited her post as a priestess of Amun (Aldred, 1988). These
things helped to reinforce Amun's power and influence.
The first pharaohs of the 18th dynasty,
determined to keep the rest of the world firmly under Egypt's thumb in
order to prevent another several centuries' worth of barbarian rule, expended
considerable effort in forging out a huge, far-reaching empire (Aldred,
1988; Redford, 1984). Several generations of warrior pharaohs went out
and marked out their new, hugely expanded territory through conquest and
(although they did not find it necessary to brag about this quite so much)
diplomacy. They then left the management of this monster to their successors.
Thutmose IV was the great diplomat
of the dynasty, and left to his young son an empire that was secure and
stable. His son, Amenhotep III, probably a young child at the time of his
ascension to the throne, turned his attention to domestic affairs upon
attaining pharaoh-hood. Amenhotep III, a prolific builder, probably engaged
in more infrastructure projects than any other pharaoh, also taking on
the project of rebuilding various dilapidated structures built by his predecessors
(Aldred, 1988). In the meantime, we begin to see the gradual decline of
Egypt's foreign relations as money-hungry vassals nagged at the pharaoh
and demanded the gold which he probably could not give as freely as he
might have liked them to think. Into this peculiar situation, prince Amenhotep
IV was born.
. . . Horus (?) . . . , . . . [their temples (?)] fallen to ruin, [their] bodies (?) shall not . . . : . . . [since the time of] the ancestors (?). It is the ones who are knowledgeable. . . . Look, I am speaking that I might inform [you concerning] the forms of the gods, I know [their (?)] temples [and I am versed in] the writings, (namely) the inventories of their primeval bodies [and] I have beheld them as they cease, one after the other, (whether) consisting of any sort of precious stone . . ., [except for the god who begat] himself by himself, no one knowing the mysteries . . . : he goes where he pleases and they know not [his] going . . . toward him at night. Further, [I] approach. . . . [As for the . . . ]s which he has made, how distinguished they are: . . . their [ . . . ]s are as the stars. Hail to you, in [your . . . ] rays. . . . What would he be like, another one of your sort? It is you [who . . .] to them, in your name of . . . (Translation from Murnane, 1995)
It is highly unfortunate that the text has been so
badly damaged. However, we can surmise from what exists of it that the
king was claiming that the gods in the traditional Egyptian pantheon were
nothing but material representations which could be destroyed, no how precious
the material of their construction. However, the god that he promoted (indubitably
the Aten, or sun-disc) was unique, untouchable, undeniable and indestructible.
Another document of interest tells
of a tax imposed by Amenhotep IV on a number of temples. The revenues brought
in by this tax were "dedicated to . . . Hor-Aten as the tax of each year
to the House of Aten in Southern Heliopolis." The king had, by this time,
changed his name to Akhenaten, translated most commonly as "One Who is
Useful to Aten." (Murnane, 1995)
In the third or fourth year of Amenhotep's
reign, close to the time of his decision to change his name to Akhenaten,
the king decided to have a royal jubilee, known as a Sed-festival. Such
festivals were normally celebrated on the 30th anniversary of a pharaoh's
coronation, and thus a jubilee so early in Akhenaten's reign would have
been quite an unusual event. The Sed-festival's purpose was to essentially
renew a pharaoh's contract; to reinforce his divine powers of kingship.
The festival marked a major turning
point in Akhenaten's reign. Official art
developed into the full-fledged "early Amarna" style, which so exaggerated
the somewhat unusual features of the king that it has led some scholars
to believe that Akhenaten may have suffered from some sort of disorder.
It also set off a large-scale building program, which made use of an unusual
and distinctive form of building block, one of the earmarks of the period,
which is now known as "talatat." (Redford, 1984)
The four major buildings constructed
by Akhenaten during his Karnak years include the Gm-t-pa-itn, the Hwt-bnbn,
the Rwd-mnw-n-itn-r-nhh, and the Tni-mnw-n-itn-r-nhh, the names of which
are translated by Dr. Redford as, respectively, "the Sun-disc is found,"
"the Mansion of the benben-stone," "Sturdy are the monuments of the Sun-disc
forever," and "Exalted are the monuments of the Sun-disc forever" (1984).
The talatat, disjointed and scattered
when Akhenaten's successors brought down his buildings in an attempt to
erase his existence, bear many fruitful scenes and inscriptions. The Akhenaten
Temple Project, directed by Dr. Donald Redford, undertook a major project
to piece the talatat back together using computer technology. On the talatat,
aside from scenes of the Sed-festival, of military personnel, and of the
pharaoh worshipping the sun in various incarnations, we get many glimpses
of the royal family: Akhenaten's chief wife Nefertiti and the couple's
eldest daughter, Meritaten. The entire Hwt-bnbn was apparently devoted
to Nefertiti. A second daughter, Meketaten, appears somewhat later. (Redford,
1984)
In
the fifth year of his reign, Akhenaten undertook another major project.
In perhaps his most dramatic effort of all, he abandoned the old capital
city of Thebes and set out to create a new one in central Egypt in a previously
uninhabited spot. He called his new city Akhetaten, or "The Horizon of
the Sun-disc."
Now it is the Aten, my father, who advised me concerning it, so that it could be made for him as Akhet-Aten. Behold, I did not find it provided with shrines or plastered with tombs or porticoes (?) . . . or covered with . . . (or) with the remnant of anything which had happened to it, so that it was not [. . . ing] me . . . Akhetaten for the Aten, my father. Behold it is pharaoh who found it, when it did not belong to a god, nor to a goddess; when it did not belong to a male ruler, nor to a female ruler; when it did not belong to any people to do their business with it. [Its . . .] is not known, (but) I found it widowed. . . . It is the Aten, my [father], who advised me concerning it, (saying) "Behold, [fill] Akhet-Aten with provisions -- a storehouse for everything!" while my father, Hor-Aten, proclaimed to me, "It is to belong to my Person, to be Akhet-Aten continually forever." (Translation from Murnane, 1995)Akhenaten went on to say that nobody, including Nefertiti, would be able to convince him that any better place existed in which to build the new city. He gave his plans for the major buildings in the city:
At Akhet-Aten in this place shall I make the House of Aten for the Aten, my father.He further broke from tradition by declaring that he and his wife and children would be buried in the eastern cliffs of Akhetaten.
At Akhet-Aten in this place shall I make the Mansion of Aten for the Aten, my father.
At Akhet-Aten in in this place shall I make the sunshade of the [King's Chief} Wife [Neferneferuaten-Nefertiti] for the Aten, my father.
In the "Island of Aten, whose jubilees are distinguished" at Akhet-Aten, in this place shall I make the "House of Rejoicing in [Akhet]-Aten" for the Aten, my father.
At Akhet-Aten in this place shall I make all revenues that [are] in [the entire land] to belong to the Aten, my father.
At Akhet-Aten in this place shall I make oblations overflowing for the Aten, my father.
(And) at Akhet-Aten in this place shall I make for myself the residence of Pharaoh, (and) I shall make the residence for the King's Chief Wife. (Translation from Murnane, 1995)
Akhetaten also provides us with a view
of Akhenaten's correspondance with the rest of the ancient world. A large
cache of clay tablets, now known as the Amarna letters, was found in the
city. Aldred is of the opinion that these tablets represent refuse; that
the letters would be transported in the form of clay tablets and then transcribed
onto papyrus in hieroglyphics for official records, and that the tablets
would be thrown away. In any case, they depict a very confused situation.
These tablets span the later part of Amenhotep III's reign, Akhenaten's
reign, and a portion of that of Akhenaten's eventual successor, Tutankhaten
(later Tutankhamun).
In these letters, we see the disintegration
of the massive Egyptian empire taking place. The vassals and kings of the
various domains of the empire begged for gold and complained of being snubbed
and cheated by Akhenaten, Amenhotep III, and their other colleagues. Men
on opposing sides of a battle each begged Akhenaten for help against the
other one. A band of rebels referred to as the Apiru wreaked havoc in the
empire. Early on in his reign, Akhenaten had a falling out with the king
of Mitanni, and, against said king's advice, signed a treaty with the Hittites.
The Hittites, then feeling that an alliance with Egypt gave them the right
to do anything they wanted, unleashed their fury on Mitanni and attempted
to forge out their own empire. A group of Egypt's other allies attempted
to rebel against the factions that were taking over, were captured, and
begged Akhenaten for troops. Apparently, Akhenaten did not respond to their
pleas. A plague broke loose and spread across the ancient Near East (Moran,
1992; Redford, 1984).
Meanwhile, Akhenaten continued to build his city, and further suppressed the traditional array of Egyptian gods. He at some point began a campaign to erase the name of Amun from as many texts and monuments as possible, and replaced the word "netjeru" (gods) with the singular "netjer" wherever it appeared. He even changed aspects of the written language, in one example altering the spelling of the word "mut" (mother) so that it no longer made reference to the goddess of the same name. Akhenaten changed the Egyptian language in other ways as well, attempting to put into effect the more popular version of the written language as the official text rather than the archaic middle kingdom text known mostly by scribes and priests (Redford, 1999).
In year twelve of his reign, Akhenaten
had a large durbar, a festival in which foreign dignitaries from all across
the Egyptian empire visited him in Akhetaten and presented large quantities
of tribute. It is the opinion of Cyril Aldred that this festival, depicted
in great detail in the tomb of the official Meryre II, represented Akhenaten's
ascent to kingship as the sole ruler of Egypt (1988). Such festivals, says
Aldred, often took place when an old pharaoh died and a new one took his
place. The idea that Akhenaten co-ruled with his father has, however, been
questioned by many, most notably Dr. Redford (Redford, 1967, cited in Aldred,
1988). Whatever the case may be, this durbar marked the beginning of the
end of the reign of the "heretic king." In the years following the event,
the situation at Akhetaten rapidly disintegrated.
This spiral into tragedy started with
the death of Akhenaten's second daughter, Meketaten, whose funeral is movingly
depicted in the royal tomb at Akhetaten. Aldred dates the child's death
to approximately year 13 of Akhenaten's reign. This date is based in part
on her disappearance from the scene in official portraits and on monuments
shortly after the year 12 durbar (Aldred, 1988). However, another aspect
of this mourning scene has confused and disturbed scholars for many years:
the depiction of a royal baby in the arms of a nurse standing on the edge
of the scene, attended by a fan-bearer. Aldred and others interpret this
to mean that Meketaten had died in childbirth at the age of twelve or thirteen,
and that the baby was hers, possibly by Akhenaten (Aldred, 1988). It is
possible, however, that the baby, whose identification has now been excised
from the scene, was none other than the young Tutankhaten.
Akhenaten's mother, Tiye, who paid
a visit to Akhetaten around Akhenaten's 12th reignal year, disappeared
from the scene at about the same time as Meketaten. Dr. Redford stated
that Tiye and the princess had probably both fallen victim to the plague
that had by now spread into Egypt (1984). Akhenaten's other wife, Kiya,
probably a princess from Mitanni, also died at about this time. Nefertiti
faded quietly into the background (what exactly happened to her is not
known), and princess Meritaten was soon elevated to the position of Chief
Queen and married to a mysterious figure called Smenkhkare or Ankhkheperure-Neferneferuaten,
who apparently co-ruled with Akhenaten for a few years. (Redford, 1984;
Aldred, 1988)
The last reference to Akhenaten appears
on a wine jar docket dated "Year 17." The date had at some point been partially
erased and replaced with "Year 1" (Murnane, 1995). What happened to Akhenaten
at the end of his reign is unknown. He presumably died in Akhetaten of
natural causes. Upon its rediscovery and exploration in the 19th century,
Akhenaten's tomb lay empty save for some debris and the smashed remnants
of the king's red granite sarcophagus, and the city of Akhetaten was abandoned
and in ruins. Akhenaten's brief experiment apparently ended as abruptly
as it began. After a brief occupation of the city by Pharaoh Tutankhaten,
the successors of Akhenaten left the city and attempted to destroy all
traces of this most mysterious and dramatic interlude in Egyptian history.
Works Cited:
Aldred, Cyril (1988). Akhenaten: King of Egypt. New York: Thames
and Hudson Inc.
Moran, William L. (1992). The Amarna Letters. Maryland: Johns
Hopkins University Press
Murnane, William J. (1995). Texts from the Amarna Period in Egypt.
Georgia: Society of Biblical Literature
Redford, Donald B. (1984). Akhenaten: The Heretic King. New
Jersey: Princeton University Press
Redford, Donald B. (1999). Personal communication
Return to The
Amarna Royal Family.
Return to Akhenaten
of Amarna.
Proceed to The
Mystery of Akhenaten: Genetics or Aesthetics?
Proceed to The
Art of the Amarna Period.
Proceed to Webpage-en-Aten.
Proceed to An
Analysis of Akhenaten's Familial Relationships.
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